Each redistricting dataset merges the electoral data the SWDB collected and processed over the preceding decade with the most current census data (PL94-171). The result is a census block level dataset that allows for longitudinal analysis of electoral data over time on the same unit of analysis. Electoral data consist of the Statements of Vote (SOV) and Statements of Registration (SOR) for each statewide election. These data are collected from the Registrars of Voters for each of the 58 California counties with each election.
The SWDB collects the Statement of Vote and the Statement of Registration along with various geography files from each of the 58 counties for every statewide election. The Statement of Vote is a precinct level dataset and precincts in California change frequently between elections. The goal of the SWDB is to make election data available that can be compared over time, on the same unit of analysis – a precinct, a census block or a census tract.
The maps below show districts for California's State Assembly delegation.
The following maps represent 80 districts drawn by the California Supreme Court
masters for the State Assembly after the 1990 Census. It was this reapportionment,
coupled with the onset of term limits following the 1990 election, that dramatically
changed the face of the Assembly. In contrast to the Democratic-engineered redistricting
completed after the 1980 census, this reapportionment evened the playing field
in such a way as to lead to Re/publican control of the Assembly after the 1994
elections, an event that ended 24 years of Democratic domination. Democrats,
however, regained the Assembly following the 1996 elections, emphasizing the
close competition between the two parties for control of the Legislature. Voter-registration
figures for each district are from the Secretary of State's Office "Report
on Registration" from September 1997. Demographic information on the ethnic
makeup of many of the districts, however, reflects the situation reported in
the 1990 federal census. The California Journal /published the following
summary after the last reapportionment.
Please Note:These district maps only show cities and county lines (if appropriate) for each district.
For more detailed maps, please refer to the Presidential Series. At times, you might notice
that a city is duplicated in two districts. The reason for this is that district boundaries often
cannot encompass an entire city. A good example of this is the City of Los Angeles. With 3.6 million
residents, 12 Assembly Districts are located within its city limits.
District 1 (50% D - 31% R) - MAP
Situated in the Redwood Empire along California's north coast, AD 1 holds a volatile mix of environmentalists and timber interests that traditionally has produced Democratic incumbents. But the area coincides with a congressional district -- CD 1 -- that has bounced back and forth between Democrats and Re/publicans repeatedly during the late 1980s and 1990s. With a population that is 72 percent white and 20 percent Latino, it includes all of Del Norte, Humboldt, Mendocino and Lake counties, as well as the rural portion of Sonoma County north of Santa Rosa.
District 2 (41% D - 45% R) - MAP
This primarily rural district flanks Interstate 5 from Yolo County to the Oregon border, and includes the counties of Shasta, Siskiyou, Trinity, Tehama, Glenn, Colusa, Sutter, the northeastern corner of Yolo and the southern tip of Butte County. A safe district for Re/publicans, it has seen the GOP registration margin increase over the decade of the '90s.
District 3 (40% D - 44% R) - MAP
Occupying the northeastern corner of the state, AD 3 includes the mountain counties of Modoc, Lassen, Plumas, Sierra, Nevada, Yuba and most of Butte County.
District 4 (38% D - 48% R) - MAP
The Mother Lode counties of Placer, El Dorado, Amador, Calaveras, Alpine and Mono comprise predominately white AD 4. Most of the same geography was located in the old AD 7, which was represented by a moderate Democrat throughout the 1980s. But GOP registration gains have been dramatic during the 1990s, and AD 4 now is as safe as you can get for Re/publicans.
District 5 (42% D - 45% R) - MAP
The northern part of Sacramento County, which is 84 percent white. The area included in AD 5 swung back and forth between Democrats and the GOP during the 1980s, with Democrats winning during the first half of the decade and Re/publicans capturing the latter half. The GOP has maintained its dominance throughout the 1990s.
District 6 (52% D - 30% R) - MAP
Marin County and the semi-suburban areas of Petaluma and Rohnert Park in Sonoma County are in this mainly white district, which leans Democratic but which was represented by a moderate Re/publican throughout the 1980s. Democrats have held it in the '90s.
District 7 (54% D - 32% R) -
Reapportionment altered the political character of this area just enough to convince a popular GOP incumbent not to seek re-election in 1992. Basically, AD 7 picked up Democratic Vallejo and lost GOP areas in Yolo County. Thus, what had been a toss-up district for either party suddenly listed heavily toward Democrats. It includes Napa County, Santa Rosa and the town of Sonoma in Sonoma County, in addition to Vallejo. The population is 73 percent white, 12 percent Latino and 8 percent Asian.
District 8 (51% D - 34% R) - MAP
Solano County (minus Vallejo), most of Yolo County and the delta region of Sacramento County are in AD 8, which has elected a Democrat year after year by a percentage well over the Democratic registration. But reapportionment moved the district further up the valley and subtracted Democratic Vallejo. The population is 68 percent white, 17 percent Latino, 8 percent Asian and 7 percent Black.
District 9 (62% D - 24% R) - MAP
An urban district containing most of the city of Sacramento, and where minorities account for just over half the population.
District 10 (44% D - 44% R) - MAP
The southern portion of Sacramento County, as well as the northern part of San Joaquin County, including Lodi, are included in this predominately white, Re/publican-leaning district. This AD 10 is radically different than the meandering gerrymander constructed during the 1980 reapportionment to house a Democrat. Gone are Democratic chunks of Contra Costa County that extended as far as Brentwood and Discovery Bay, and a strip of Solano County. Gone, too, are heavily Democratic sections of Sacramento city.
District 11 (53% D - 31% R) - MAP
This district lies on or near San Pablo Bay, the Carquinez Strait or the Suisun Bay from Pinole to Antioch, including the city of Concord. Whites account for 71 percent of the population, with Latinos making up 13 percent and Asians, 10 percent. The pre-1990 district was more heavily Democratic, but reapportionment removed Richmond.
District 12 (59% D - 19% R) - MAP
One of two San Francisco districts, this one occupies the western portion of the city as well as heavily Asian Daly City. Minorities comprise 57 percent of the population, which is 36 percent Asian, 13 percent Latino and 8 percent Black. Asians are 11 percent of the registered voters and Latinos are 10 percent.
District 13 (63% D - 14% R) - MAP
The eastern half of San Francisco, including Chinatown, lies in this district, which has a 51 percent minority population. While Asians make up 21 percent of the population, they are only 5 percent of registered voters; Latinos make up 15 percent of the population and 8 percent of registered voters. Blacks comprise 14 percent of the population. Former Assembly Speaker Willie Brown Jr. held the fort here for more than 30 years before leaving the Legislature in 1996 to become mayor of San Francisco.
District 14 (69% D - 12% R) - MAP
On the eastern shore of the San Francisco Bay, this district includes the cities of Richmond, San Pablo and El Cerrito in Contra Costa County and Berkeley, Albany and northern Oakland in Alameda County. It is 29 percent Black, 12 percent Asian and 11 percent Latino.
District 15 (37% D - 47% R) - MAP
The conservative and mostly white (84 percent) East Bay communities of Lafayette, Walnut Creek, San Ramon, Dublin and Livermore in Contra Costa and Alameda counties are in this very Re/publican district.
District 16 (67% D - 15% R) - MAP
Most of Oakland and all of the city of Alameda are in this minority-dominated district, which is 36 percent Black, 34 percent white, 17 percent Asian and 15 percent Latino. Oakland Mayor Elihu Harris represented this area for most of the 1980s.
District 17 (52% D - 37% R) - MAP
The center of the San Joaquin Valley, including Stockton. The district was represented by a Democrat throughout the 1980s, switched Re/publican during the early 1990s, then bounced back to the Democrats in 1994. Thus it is always the scene of fierce election battles, including an unsuccessful recall attempt against the Democratic incumbent in 1995. The district itself is one-quarter Latino, 14 percent Asian and 7 percent Black, for a total of 46 percent minorities.
District 18 (59% D - 26% R) - MAP
Even after losing part of Oakland, AD 18 remained solidly Democratic. It includes the cities of San Leandro, Hayward, Union City and part of Pleasanton, all in Alameda County. The district is 59 percent white, 19 percent Latino, 15 percent Asian and 7 percent Black.
District 19 (54% D - 29% R) - MAP
The part of San Mateo County south of San Francisco, including South San Francisco, San Bruno, Millbrae, Burlingame, Hillsborough, the city of San Mateo and parts of Foster City and Daly City. Asians comprise 21 percent of the population but only 4 percent of registered voters; Latinos are 17 percent of the population and 10 percent of registered voters.The total minority population is 42 percent.
District 20 (49% D - 33% R) - MAP
Redistricting boosted Re/publican registration in AD 20, which consists of Fremont in Alameda County and Milpitas and part of San Jose in Santa Clara County. The boost made the GOP more competitive, although the seat remained in Democratic hands through the first half of the 1990s. It is 24 percent Asian and 16 percent Latino, for a total 44 percent minority population.
District 21 (47% D - 35% R) - MAP
Democrats lost a 20-point voter-registration edge in this district thanks to reapportionment, but managed to hold onto the seat thanks to the popularity of longtime incumbent Byron Sher, who left for the state Senate in 1996. His departure made the district highly competitive, and it likely will remain so throughout the rest of the decade. Located in the South Bay, AD 21 includes the southern part of San Mateo County, including the cities of Belmont, Redwood City and Menlo Park; and part of Santa Clara County, including the cities of Palo Alto and Los Altos. Whites make up 71 percent of the population.
District 22 (48% D - 33% R) - MAP
A westerly shift of geography moved the registration edge in this district away from Democrats big-time. In 1990 the gap was 60 percent to 29 percent, but to consolidate minority areas, Supreme Court masters lifted Latino portions of central and eastern San Jose from this district and grafted them onto the neighboring AD 23. As compensation, they added Re/publican areas like Sunnyvale. Also included are the cities of Mountain View and Santa Clara. Western San Jose remains. Whites make up 67 percent of the population; Asians are 16 percent and Latinos are 14 percent.
District 23 (59% D - 24% R) - MAP
The shift that stung Democrats in AD 22 helped them in AD 23 by ceding it most of San Jose and turning a marginal district into a safe seat for Democrats. The new district is 43 percent Latino (who account for 29 percent of registered voters), 19 percent Asian and 6 percent Black, for a total minority count of 69 percent.
District 24 (43% D - 41% R) - MAP
In the heart of the Silicon Valley, this predominately white (77 percent) district includes Cupertino, Saratoga, Los Gatos, Campbell and the southern part of San Jose. Despite its Re/publican outlook, it's independent-minded and filled with moderate GOP voters.
District 25 (45% D - 43% R) - MAP
This San Joaquin Valley district includes parts of the cities of Modesto in the north and Madera and a small part of Fresno to the south. It is three-quarters white, and 18 percent Latino, with one of the lowest numbers of registered voters in the state (35 percent). Both parties have represented AD 25 since the 1991 reapportionment, but the Democrat who held the seat from 1992 to 1994 was a conservative who earned a perfect score from the National Rifle Association.
District 26 (52% D - 35% R) - MAP
This district includes all of Merced county and the southern part of Modesto in Stanislaus County. It is 31 percent Latino, but Latinos make up only 16 percent of registered voters.
District 27 (50% D -31% R) - MAP
Santa Cruz County and the coastal half of Monterey County. This district includes the cities of Santa Cruz, with its University of California campus, Monterey and Watsonville. If a district with this registration were located east of the Coast Range, it's likely it would go to a Re/publican without much trouble. But on the ocean side of the mountains, decline-to-state and third-party voters are more likely to gravitate toward the environmental and social positions held by Democrats. As such, it remains an electoral battleground. A liberal Democrat represented it until 1992, when he left for Congress and was replaced by a moderate Re/publican. The district's population is 75 percent white. The largest minority group is Latinos, with 13 percent of the population.
District 28 (52% D - 34% R) - MAP
Formerly a peculiar blend of agricultural and labor interests, this newly shaped district lost its valley reach and now is confined to the inland, Latino parts of Monterey County, with San Benito County, the Watsonville area of Santa Cruz County and the somewhat Latino part of southern Santa Clara County. The result is a 46 percent Latino population and a total minority population of 56 percent. Both parties have represented it in the 1990s -- Democrats in 1990 and 1992; Re/publicans in 1994. As such, it will be a scene of fierce election fighting throughout the decade.
District 29 (41% D - 47% R) - MAP
This San Joaquin Valley district includes much of Fresno and most of Visalia, which is about 30 miles to the south. Minorities make up 29 percent of the population. Latinos, who account for 20 percent of the population, make up only 12 percent of the district's registered voters. Re/publicans have made substantial registration gains here during the 1990s.
District 30 (53% D - 35% R) - MAP
A sparsely populated and heavily Latino area in the southwestern part of the San Joaquin Valley, this rather elongated district is centered on Interstate 5, and has a hook at the southern end which divides Bakersfield in order to gather in the minority parts of that city. The result is an Assembly district with a 50 percent Latino population and overall 60 percent minority population. It includes all of Kings County, as well as parts of Fresno, Kern and Madera counties. Latinos make up 29 percent of the registered voters. This should be a competitive district for Democrats, but a home-grown GOP maverick snatched it away in 1994. That maverick -- Brian Setencich -- went on to become the first freshman ever elected speaker of the Assembly when he captured that position in 1995 with the help of Democratic votes. As a result of their "alliance," Democrats did not field an opponent against Setencich in 1996, only to see their largess backfire when the incumbent was knocked off in the 1996 GOP primary by a conservative backed by Orange County business interests.
District 31 (59% D - 30% R) - MAP
The cities of Fresno, Visalia and Tulare are divided to maximize the Latino presence in this southern San Joaquin Valley district. The result is a population that is 69 percent minorities, including a 52 percent Latino population. Only 34 percent of the registered voters are Latino, however. Democratic registration has eroded more than five points during the first half of the 1990s, while GOP registration has gained three points.
District 32 (39% D - 49% R) - MAP
Much of the city of Tulare, plus Tulare County cities Exeter and Porterville join with most of Bakersfield in Kern County to form this southern San Joaquin Valley district. The only San Joaquin Valley district that is solidly Re/publican, this one is 72 percent white and 20 percent Latino.
District 33 (40% D - 45% R) - MAP
San Luis Obispo County and the portions of Santa Barbara County north of the Gaviota Pass. For the most part, this is conservative ranch country, although the population in communities like Santa Maria and San Luis Obispo has been growing rapidly. Still, this district is, and will remain, solid Re/publican territory for the foreseeable future. The district is 72 percent white and 21 percent Latinos.
District 34 (37% D - 48% R) - MAP
A Re/publican stronghold that takes in a lot of territory, much of it empty of people if not scenery (Death Valley and parts of the Sequoia National Forest). Two-thirds of the district's population live in San Bernardino County, with another 27 percent in the desert part of Kern County. The district includes the communities of Tehachapi, Barstow, Victorville, Needles and Mojave. All of Inyo County, with its 9775 registered voters, also is in the district with the bulk of its population centered in the north around Bishop. Anglos dominate the district, with Latino registration less than 10 percent and Asian registration less than 1 percent. Blacks account for only 5 percent of district population.
District 35 (45% D - 37% R) - MAP
A quick look at the registration in this district that includes most of Santa Barbara and Ventura counties would lead to the conclusion that this is competitive territory for both parties, and so it has been throughout the 1980s and '90s. Democrats have done well because Re/publicans and independents in this coastal area worry about the environment and tend to be more liberal on social issues than do inland Re/publicans. As a result, a series of Democrats, although beleaguered, managed to hold the seat through 1994, when a Re/publican finally captured the flag. The district includes the city of Santa Barbara and the student enclave around the University of California campus near Goleta, and the cities of Ojai, Santa Paula and Ventura in Ventura County. The district's population is 71 percent white and 24 percent Latino.
District 36 (34% D - 51% R) - MAP
This fast-growing district in the northernmost part of Los Angeles County's Antelope Valley is centered around the cities of Palmdale and Lancaster and extends west as far as the city of Santa Clarita. It is solid, cantankerous Re/publican territory that at times has entertained the notion of splitting off from the rest of the county south of the San Gabriel Mountains. The district is 75 percent white and only 16 percent Latino. Suburban voters here behave more like those in the Central Valley to the north than the urban-dwellers to the south.
District 37 (39% D - 44% R) - MAP
The southern and western part of Ventura County has really become a suburb of Los Angeles. And the commuters who live in Thousand Oaks, Camarillo and Oxnard have chosen to do so because they want to escape from the urban ills to the east. The territory is solidly Re/publican, and 60 percent white. But there is also a substantial minority population (31 percent Latino) that adds to the mix.
District 38 (39% D - 46% R) - MAP
Located in the northwestern corner of the San Fernando Valley, this district, which straddles the Los Angeles-Ventura county line has long been the home of some interesting intra-Re/publican battles. One needs to watch Re/publicans fight here, because Democrats have little chance of winning. In addition to the Chatsworth, Northridge and Castaic parts of Los Angeles County, this district includes Simi Valley from Ventura County. The population is 73 percent white and 16 percent Latino.
District 39 (61% D - 25% R) - MAP
This district was created to capture the large minority population living in the eastern part of the San Fernando Valley around Pacoima. More than 62 percent of the population is Latino, with more than 75 percent minority overall. However, only an estimated 25 percent of the registered voters are Latino. Assembly Democratic Leader Richard Katz held this district until being termed out of office in 1996.
District 40 (55% D - 30% R) - MAP
This is the heart of the San Fernando Valley and includes communities such as Van Nuys, North Hollywood and Studio City. It favors conservative, working-class Democrats and contains a substantial Latino population of nearly 30 percent in an overall minority population of 42 percent.
District 41 (49% D - 36% R) -
Some strange bedfellows were created when the Supreme Court masters put together AD 41. It straddles the Santa Monica Mountains to include the wealthy communities of Woodland Hills in the San Fernando Valley, Malibu and Pacific Palisades. Many of these residents are registered Re/publican, but they tend to be more liberal than GOP types elsewhere in the state. However, the district also includes Santa Monica proper, the community that sent Tom Hayden to the Legislature. This district once elected that long-extinct breed -- the moderate to liberal Re/publican. But in the 1980s it was split so that liberal Democrats could take the parts they liked best for their districts centered on Los Angeles' Westside. The district is 82 percent white.
District 42 (58% D - 25% R) - MAP
The Westside of Los Angeles is the upscale part of the city that east-coast residents so like to parody. It includes Hollywood, Beverly Hills and Westwood. It's a gold mine for the politician who wants to raise lots of money and rub elbows with the film community. It also has a propensity for sending liberal Democrats to the Legislature. Although ideologically liberal, money does its own segregating in this part of town, thus the district is 79 percent white.
District 43 (44% D - 40% R) - MAP
Once solidly Re/publican territory in the suburbs north of downtown Los Angeles,
AD 43 has become more competitive during the '90s. The district is centered
around Glendale, but also includes Burbank and the Los Feliz and Griffith Park
area just over the hills to the south. Whites make up 60 percent of the population.
Although Latinos have another 25 percent, they comprise only 9 percent of the
District 44 (44% D -42% R) - MAP
This district north and east of Los Angeles includes the cities of Pasadena and La Canada, as well as the Sunland-Tujunga portions of Los Angeles. Re/publicans have long held sway, but Democratic registration edged ahead of the GOP in 1996 for the first time in years.
District 45 (62% D - 21% R) - MAP
This is one of six districts drawn by the Court with the intent of sending a Latino to the Legislature. Located in East Los Angeles, the district's population is more than 63 percent Latino, although they account for only about 35 percent of the registered voters. Overall, the district is 84 percent minority, including 18 percent Asian.
District 46 (64% D - 19% R) - MAP
The other East Los Angeles Latino district located just south of the 45th district. This one is more than 70 percent Latino. But again, only about 35 percent of registered voters are Latino. The overall minority population here is more than 91 percent. Whatever the ethinic background of this district's representative, he or she is sure to be a Democrat.
District 47 (73% D - 13% R) - MAP
This district includes the Culver City and Crenshaw areas of Los Angeles, is solidy Democratic and is one of five districts the Court drew with the intention that it be represented by an African-American. Overall, the district is more than 70 percent minority, with about 40 percent of the population Black. The Court's guidelines called for a district population to be between 35 and 40 percent Black to ensure that the group elects one of its own to office.
District 48 (82% D - 5% R) - MAP
Running from downtown Los Angeles to the northern edge of Watts, this district is 98 percent minority. The largest group is Latino, some 52 percent of the population, but only a handfull, less than 5 percent, are registered to vote. As a result, Blacks, who make up 46 percent of the population here, control the district.
District 49 (59% D - 25% R) - MAP
The four cities located in this district -- Monterey Park, Alhambra, San Gabriel and Rosemead and their surrounding areas -- form the core of this district. Latinos make up 55 percent of the population, and unlike other parts of Southern California, they are also registered to vote, with more than 40 percent of all those registered. Asians also have a major presence, making up some 28 percent of the population total. On the municipal level, the two ethic groups have at times clashed for control, but Latinos are expected to maintain control at the Assembly level, at least for the time being. The district is solidly Democratic.
District 50 (67% D - 18% R) - MAP
This district corrals the small cities east of downtown Los Angeles, including Huntington Park, South Gate, Maywood and Bell Gardens. It is the most heavily Latino in the state, with some 88 percent of the population and more than 55 percent of the registered voters from that ethnic group.
District 51 (67% D - 17% R) - MAP
Centered on Inglewood, this district also includes Hawthorne and parts of South-Central Los Angeles. The population is more than 36 percent Black and that group effectively dominates the politics there, although the total minority population exceeds 77 percent in this Democratic stronghold.
District 52 (75% D - 11% R) - MAP
This 90-percent minority population district is centered on Watts and includes Gardena, Lynwood and the north part of Compton. Although Latinos are the most populous minority group in the distict, with more than 48 percent of the population, they have only around 11 percent of the registered voters. As a result, this district is dominated by African-Americans who make up just over 36 percent of district population.
District 53 (42% D - 41% R) - MAP
Hugging the Southern California coast from Venice to just north of Rolling Hills Estates, this district picks up the communities of El Segundo, Manhattan Meach, Hermosa Beach and Redondo Beach before ending around Torrance. Two-thirds of the district's population is white and, although registration is spilt about evenly between the two parties, both parties need to be wary of nominating candidates on the ideological extreme. Re/publicans learned this lesson in 1992 when their first nominee came from the hard right and was defeated by a moderate Democrat. That set the stage for some bruising election battles that likely will continue until the next redistricting.
District 54 (45% D - 40% R) - MAP
Just a little further south along the coast, this distict is politically and ethnically similar to the 53rd. And like AD 53, it is the scene of expensive elections. AD 54 includes the Palos Verdes Peninsula, San Pedro and the portion of Long Beach along the Coast. Both parties have represented it during the 1990s.
District 55 (66% D - 19% R) - MAP
This district includes the southern portion of Carson, the Wilmington area and part of Long Beach. It's an 80 percent minority district that the Supreme Court believes will be carried by a Black politician, even though that ethnic group is only 23 percent of the area's population. Latinos represent 40 percent of the population and Asians 17 percent. But in terms of registered voters, both are at less than half those percentages.
District 56 (50% D - 37% R) - MAP
This district includes the communities of Lakewood, Cerritos, Bellflower, Downey and the northern part of Long Beach. The population is 65 percent white, and Democrats hold a registration edge that has increased during the '90s. Democrats held it for the first election in 1992, but lost it in 1994.
District 57 (56% D - 29% R) - MAP
Located in the Eastern San Gabriel Valley, this district includes Azusa, Baldwin Park, El Monte and La Puente. The population here is predominantly Latino (64 percent) and the registration should be high enough at around 40 percent for a member of that group to hold the seat. The district is not as heavily Democratic as most minority districts, so Re/publicans can be competitive with the right candidate.
District 58 (62% D - 26% R) - MAP
Along the eastern portion of Los Angeles County, the cities of Norwalk, Montebello and Pico Rivera, as well as the western edge of Whittier, created the opportunity for another Latino district. The population is 62 percent Latino, with more than 40 percent of the registration, and the area is more solidly Democratic than nearby districts.
District 59 (39% D - 47% R) - MAP
The northeastern corner of the San Gabriel Valley, including the cities of Monrovia, San Dimas, Covina and Claremont, as well as part of Pomona, sets up this solidly Re/publican district. It is one of the few districts in the state where the Supreme Court let compactness take a back seat in order to create a minority district. The city of Azusa juts into the middle of the district but is part of the adjacent, Latino, 57th District. The voters here are 65 percent white.
District 60 (43% D - 42% R) - MAP
This Los Angeles County district bumps up against San Bernardino County on the east and Orange County on the south. It includes the communities of West Covina, Diamond Bar, Hacienda Heights and the eastern portion of Whittier. Allthough less than half the population in this district is white, that group holds sway over the election process. Latinos have 30 percent of the population, but only 18 percent of the registered voters. The territory should prove hospitable to Re/publicans, yet it provided the backdrop for some very bitter politics in 1994-95. Then-incumbent Re/publican Paul Horcher cost his party the speakership in 1995 by voting for Democrat Willie Brown Jr. The GOP exacted its revenge by recalling Horcher in May 1995 and replacing him with a Re/publican loyalist.
District 61 (45% D - 42% R) - MAP
Designed as a minority district, AD 61 has a preponderance of minority residents but a dearth of minority voters. To construct the district, Supreme Court masters took the Latino portion of Pomona in Los Angeles County, then swung east into San Bernardino County to pick up Ontario and Chino. Close to 87 percent of the population lives in the San Bernardino portion. As a result, the 61st is 55 percent minority, with Latinos having the lion's share (42 percent). Blacks and Asians add 8 percent and 5 percent, respectively. But minority voting power is not nearly as strong as its numbers would indicate. Latinos, for instance, account for only 20 percent of registered voters; Asians but 1 percent. Until those traditionally Democractic voting blocs become more politically energized, AD 61 likely will remain in GOP hands, as it has since reapportionment.
District 62 (57% D - 31% R) - MAP
Like the neighboring 61st, this San Bernardino County enclave was designed for minorities. As such, it is 39 percent Latino, 12 percent Black, 4 percent Asian and only 43 percent white. Although only one-in-four Latinos are registered to vote, a large portion of that community is under age 18. As it matures, and if it becomes politically active along traditional lines, this district likely will become even safer for Democrats. The district itself includes those parts of the city of San Bernardino that have minority populations, plus the cities of Rialto, Colton and Fontana.
District 63 (39% D - 48% R) - MAP
Loma Linda, Upland and non-minority San Bernardino create a solid Re/publican district south of the San Gabriel Mountains in San Bernardino County. Whites here outnumber minorities better than two-to-one in raw population, and even more in registered voters. Incidentally, AD 63 was the scene of a Re/publican "switch" in 1996. Incumbent Jim Brulte ran for the state Senate after being termed out of AD 63. He was replaced by Re/publican Bill Leonard, who had been termed out of the Senate seat won by Brulte.
District 64 (42% D - 45% R) - MAP
A Riverside County district that includes all of the city of Riverside, Norco and half the city of Corona (the latter is split between the 64th and 66th districts to balance population). It is 62 percent white, with a moderate Latino population (27 percent) and almost no Blacks or Asians. In the reapportionment of the 1980s, this area was gerrymandered to provide some hopes for Democrats in a Riverside County fast filling up with Re/publicans. The 64th was part of a finger of an old district (the 68th) that shot south through the city of Riverside to Lake Elsinore in search of Democratic precincts. But Supreme Court masters shattered the old district into three parts, none of which was represented by a Democrat after 1994.
District 65 (39% D - 47% R) - MAP
Most of the 65th District's land mass lies in San Bernardino County, including the cities of Redlands, Yucaipa, Big Bear and Twenty-Nine Palms. But nearly two-thirds of district voters reside in the fast-growing Riverside County communities like Moreno Valley, and down the San Jacinto Valley toward Hemet and the city of San Jacinto. Solidly Re/publican, the district is three-quarters white.
District 66 (33% D - 53% R) - MAP
The bulk of the 66th District lies in western Riverside County, including half of Corona and all of Lake Elsinore and Temecula. More than 78 percent of district voters live here. The district also drops south to pick up a sliver of San Diego County (the Fallbrook and Mt. Palomar areas) just south of Temecula. Three-quarters of the population is white, while Latinos add another 20 percent. As registration indicates, Democrats do not draw large crowds.
District 67 (33% D - 51% R) - MAP
The north coastal part of Orange County is rock-solid Re/publican and includes the cities of Los Alamitos, Huntington Beach and Costa Mesa. It is predominantly white (77 percent) and affluent. The 1990 Court-drawn reapportionment threw three GOP incumbents into this district in 1992, and all three chose to duke it out in the Re/publican primary rather than seek another seat elsewhere. Ironically, the winner of that primary was Doris Allen, who went onto become the first woman speaker of the California Assembly in 1995. Unfortunately for Allen, she won the post with Democratic votes, and by the end of the year, she had been recalled.
District 68 (40% D - 46% R) - MAP
AD 68 was a "construction job" designed to concentrate as many Orange County Asians as possible (the neighboring AD 69 was designed for Latinos). It contains parts of Garden Grove, nearly all of Buena Park and the western part of Anaheim. (Because it is long and narrow, and because Supreme Court map-makers had to concentrate minorities, the city of Anaheim was split between four districts.) As a result, the 68th is 17 percent Asian, 23 percent Latino and 58 percent white. The Black population is negligible at 2 percent. Although technically constructed to concentrate a "minority" population, the 68th is solid Re/publican and dominated by whites; only 10 percent of the Asians are registered to vote, for example. The district is home to Re/publican Curt Pringle, who in 1996 became the first "legitimate" GOP speaker in 26 years.
District 69 (54% D - 34% R) - MAP
A 65 percent Latino district in Orange County, centered on Santa Ana and including Latino neighborhoods in Garden Grove and central Anaheim. Another 9 percent of the district is Asian, 2 percent Black. All this looks swell on paper, but the fact remains that only 9 percent of the district's Latinos are registered to vote. The district as a whole has only 80,685 registered voters (out of nearly 380,000 residents) -- lowest total for any Southern California district outside the city of Los Angeles. AD 69 resembles the pre-reapportionment AD 72 that was gerrymandered to help elect a Democrat from Orange County and proved a battleground represented by both Re/publicans and Democrats all through the 1980s. The new redistricting removed many Democratic precincts in the city of Orange and Anaheim, but did not end the battles. A Democrat represented the area in 1992; a Re/publican in 1994.
District 70 (29% D - 55% R) - MAP
Wealthy and mostly Re/publican, the 70th takes in Orange County's central coast area, including the cities of Newport Beach, Laguna Beach and Irvine. Whites outnumber minorities better than 3-to-1.
District 71 (28% D - 57% R) - MAP
First prize: The most Re/publican Assembly district in the state. The 71st takes up a chunk of interior Orange County, including the south county communities of Orange, Tustin and eastern Anaheim. It is 76 percent white, 15 percent Latino, 8 percent Asian and 2 percent Black.
District 72 (31% D - 55% R) - MAP
Another GOP fortress in Orange County, with the cities of Fullerton, Yorba Linda and La Habra providing the bulk of voters. Although one-third of the district is minority (21 percent Latino, 9 percent Asian, 2 percent Black), their voting power is limited; only 9 percent of registered voters are Latino, for example.
District 73 (29% D - 53% R) - MAP
Split almost evenly between two counties, AD 73 takes in San Clemente, San Juan Capistrano and Mission Viejo in southern Orange County then skips across the line to include Camp Pendleton, Oceanside and Carlsbad in northern San Diego County. Whites outnumber minorities nearly 3-to-1.
District 74 (30% D - 50% R) - MAP
This San Diego County district starts on the coast at Encinitas, extends south to Del Mar, then juts inland to pick up Escondido. It is mostly white (75 percent) and Latino (19 percent).
District 75 (30% D - 51% R) - MAP
Yet another San Diego GOP stronghold, the 75th includes the northern part of the city of San Diego, then stretches north and east to take in Santee, Poway, Ramona and the desert regions around Borego Springs. Its eastern limits border Imperial County. Nary a minority is to be found here, as over 82 percent of the district is white.
District 76 (39% D - 39% R) - MAP
The 76th lies entirely within the city of San Diego, from Rancho Bernardo in the north to Mission Valley in the south. The district is inland except for a fingertip touch on the beach north of La Jolla. One-third of the population is minority, with Latinos and Asians each with about 13 percent and Blacks with 8 percent. Only 2 percent of registered voters are Asian, however; only 8 percent are Latinos. Although Re/publican in outlook, it has been represented by a Democrat throughout the early 1990s.
District 77 (38% D - 43% R) - MAP
The San Diego County district with the greatest concentration of minorities, the 77th takes in a chunk of the city of San Diego east of National City, part of Chula Vista, and the inland cities of Lemon Grove, La Mesa and El Cajon. Still, the district is nearly two-thirds white and solidly Re/publican. Latinos are the biggest minority, with 18 percent. Asians represent 10 percent of the population but a paltry number of voters (less than 2000 of the area's 36,000 Asians are registered). Despite registration, a Democrat captured the seat in 1992 by defeating a Re/publican deemed at the time to be too conservative for the area. But that same Re/publican won in 1994.
District 78 (37% D - 41% R) - MAP
An elongated district that runs down the coast from La Jolla in the north to Imperial Beach in the south. Along the way, it picks up Coronado, Mission Bay, Balboa Park and other slabs of San Diego's glitz. It has a modest minority population (23 percent), with Latinos accounting for over half that total. Coastal in outlook, its residents tend to be independent-minded moderates who have voted out incumbents at every level of government over the past decade. Although nominally Re/publican, they elected a Democrat in 1992 and 1994. As a result, both major parties consider the district winnable.
District 79 (50% D - 26% R) - MAP
San Diego County's only Democrat- leaning district, the 79th was the first county district to be "constructed" by Supreme Court masters, mostly to concentrate its Black and Latino populations. The district takes in National City, half of Chula Vista and southern San Diego city. As a result, the 79th is more than three-quarters minority, with Latinos having 49 percent, Blacks 16 percent and Asians 11 percent. The district also has the lowest number of registered voters in the county (120,647, or less than one-third district population).
District 80 (47% D - 40% R) - MAP
In terms of territory, this district lies equally in Riverside and Imperial counties. But 75 percent of the population is contributed by Riverside, including the cities of Beaumont, Banning, Palm Springs, Indio and Blythe. All of Imperial County is within the 80th district. The district is a "minority" district, with Latinos having 46 percent of the population. But as elsewhere in the state, Latino clout is dramatically less than the community's size would indicate; only 21 percent of registered voters are Latino. Both Democrats and Re/publicans have won this district since 1990.
Thanks to the California Journal who gave us permission to use their district summaries in order to supplement our site.
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